Records obtained by The Reflector from the Washington Public Disclosure Commission provide new details about who was responsible for anti-levy mailers sent to Battle Ground Public Schools voters earlier this year. After obtaining the records, The Reflector reached out to two individuals connected to the mailers, who shared their accounts.
Political mailers claiming to have been paid for by the Washington State Republican Party (WSRP) and the Clark County Republican Party (CCRP) went to voters in the Battle Ground Public Schools district at the same time ballots landed in mailboxes for the Feb. 10 election. However, in early April, WSRP Chair Jim Walsh told The Reflector that the state party had no involvement with the fliers.
“The Washington State Republican Party had no involvement in any way with the political flyer project you (mentioned),” he wrote back to The Reflector on Tuesday, March 31. “The text on the flyer stating otherwise is false. Any statement or document stating otherwise is false.”
A PDC investigation began after an individual sent a formal complaint in late January. According to PDC records, a private individual with ties to the Clark County Republican Party funded the mailers.
Private vs. party funding
Documents from a commercial mailing vendor link the mailers to Paul Tyler Long, who goes by Tyler Long, a private citizen and precinct committee officer with the Clark County Republican Party.
A similar mailer was sent to voters opposing the April 2025 levy attempt. Documents obtained by The Reflector thus far pertain only to mailers delivered to voters regarding the February 2026 attempt, as of press time.
Former state senator Don Benton is listed as a second purchaser. His name and the political action committee “Common Sense Gov’t & the Committee to hold Elected Officials Accountable” appear on invoices. However, Long is the only one listed as a cardholder.
An invoice shows a payment of $6,599.45 to Eagle Mailing Service on Jan. 23 for the design and printing of 12,000 mailers sent to voters in February.
A representative of Eagle Mailing Service told the PDC that the mailers used only the Washington State Republican Party’s non-profit number, not the party’s indicia or Postal Service permit.
The Eagle Mailing Service invoice lists the following permit and non-profit number:
“Prepaid Permit 178 Postage - WSRP Non-Profit NPA# 388878”
“Attached are documents from the USPS,” Deb Noland, CFO of Eagle Newspapers, wrote to a PDC official. “It was their Non-Profit number, but our indicia. Our permit no. 178.”
Benton asserts he received verbal approval from the party’s executive director to use the nonprofit permit and number. He said the mailer’s use of its own permit was a mistake by the mailing vendor.
Benton’s account conflicts with Walsh’s statement that the state party had no involvement. When asked about the discrepancy in an interview, Benton said there may be confusion on Walsh’s part.
“Jim's a little removed from that,” Benton said. “He's not there at the party every day, and ‘involved’ could mean something different to him. The party did not process it through their regular stuff.”
WSRP’s executive director did not immediately respond for comment.
Benton said his role only involved acting as an intermediary between Long, the printer and WSRP.
“My involvement is no more than taking a phone call from a friend who asked, ‘How do I facilitate or do a group mailing?’” Benton said, referring to Long.
However, records indicate Benton’s involvement went beyond phone calls with the state party, Long, and the mailing vendor.
“Here is the art Frank,” Benton wrote to an Eagle Mailing Service employee on Jan. 20. “We need 12,000 mailed as soon as you can. using WSRP Non profit permit. Got approval today. Can you add to the mailing panel - Return your Ballot Today!! I am working on the mailing list. Thanks, Don.”
Benton confirmed the email was his but insisted his involvement was to facilitate communication between the printer and Long.
When asked about his name and organization being on the invoice, Benton said the printer made another mistake.
“That's the mailhouse's error… The PAC had nothing to do with this mailer whatsoever, nothing,” Benton said.
Purchaser shares his side
In an interview with The Reflector, Long said he paid for the mailer himself, describing it as a personal effort rather than one funded by a political organization.
“I conceived it, I designed it,” Long said. “Basically, everything came from me. I paid for it in full myself… straight out of my personal bank account.”
Long confirmed he relied on Benton to help manage the mailing process and communicate with the state party. He said he did not personally speak with anyone from the Washington State Republican Party before the mailer was sent.
“I knew Don had connections at the state party, so I talked to him, and he did all the conversations with the state party,” Long said.
Long stated he believed Don when he claimed to have received the state party’s approval for the nonprofit number and permit. He also said he was surprised to receive the invoice directly instead of from the state party, but he paid it anyway.
Long’s account is consistent with Benton’s statement that he acted as an intermediary, but still contradicts Walsh’s claim, as the party’s chair has publicly denied involvement.
Long also said he sought and received approval from the Clark County Republican Party before moving forward, though he described that approval as informal.
“I got approval from the local party… the executive board was aware,” Long said, adding that the understanding was the mailer would ultimately be processed through the state party.
The Clark County Republican Party’s treasurer, in communications with the Public Disclosure Commission, stated the party did not fund, produce or distribute the mailer and does not maintain its own mailing permit. The treasurer said no formal vote or official action was taken related to the flyer.
An invoice shows that the 12,000 mailers were shipped to the Clark County Republican Party’s P.O. box in Vancouver. When asked about that detail, the party’s treasurer told PDC officials that the organization was not familiar with the mailing vendor and had no record of receiving the materials.
Long told The Reflector he was unaware of why an address listed as belonging to CCRP appeared on the invoice and said he did not obtain mailing lists or distribution support from the organization. Long did not clarify how the mailers were distributed.
Records show that, after concerns about the nonprofit mailing rate, Benton said Long paid an additional $2,300 to cover the difference between nonprofit and standard postage rates. Benton said this adjustment made the mailer a private expenditure. However, records obtained so far do not include documentation of the $2,300 payment.
Despite that, the mailers themselves listed both the state and county Republican parties as sponsors.
When asked whether that could mislead voters about who funded or authorized the mailer, Long rejected that characterization, arguing the listing reflected the intended process rather than the final outcome.
“Was the intention that they would sign off and be… linked… with the state party per exactly what the mailer said? Yes,” Long said. “But they did not pay for it.”
Long added that he believed the distinction would not be misleading to voters, describing the state and local party as “one organization” despite being separate entities.
Benton similarly downplayed concerns about the sponsor listing, saying he believed the mailer was following standard practice based on his understanding at the time.
As of now, the PDC investigation is ongoing as staff investigates whether the sponsor identification and reporting complied with state law. The complaint under review alleges potential violations, including inaccurate sponsor disclosure and failure to properly report expenditures.
